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As Tensions With Iran Escalated, Trump Opted for Most Extreme Measure

While senior officials argue the drone strike was warranted to prevent future attacks, some in the administration remain skeptical about the rationale for the attack.

Iranians in Tehran on Saturday protesting the killing of Maj. Gen. Qassim Suleimani.Credit...Ebrahim Noroozi/Associated Press

WASHINGTON — In the chaotic days leading to the death of Maj. Gen. Qassim Suleimani, Iran’s most powerful commander, top American military officials put the option of killing him — which they viewed as the most extreme response to recent Iranian-led violence in Iraq — on the menu they presented to President Trump.

They didn’t think he would take it. In the wars waged since the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, Pentagon officials have often offered improbable options to presidents to make other possibilities appear more palatable.

After initially rejecting the Suleimani option on Dec. 28 and authorizing airstrikes on an Iranian-backed Shiite militia group instead, a few days later Mr. Trump watched, fuming, as television reports showed Iranian-backed attacks on the American Embassy in Baghdad, according to Defense Department and administration officials.

By late Thursday, the president had gone for the extreme option. Top Pentagon officials were stunned.

Image
President Trump spoke on Friday about the airstrike that killed Mr. Suleimani at the Mar-a-Lago resort in Palm Beach, Fla.Credit...Eric Thayer for The New York Times
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Listen to ‘The Daily’: The Assassination of General Qassim Suleimani

We piece together the events leading up to the killing of one of the most powerful operatives in the Middle East, a strike that has been called an act of war.
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Listen to ‘The Daily’: The Assassination of General Qassim Suleimani

Hosted by Michael Barbaro, produced by Alexandra Leigh Young and Rachel Quester, and edited by Lisa Tobin

We piece together the events leading up to the killing of one of the most powerful operatives in the Middle East, a strike that has been called an act of war.

michael barbaro

From The New York Times, I’m Michael Barbaro. This is “The Daily.”

Today: From Iraq to Washington, consequences are mounting after the United States assassinated Iranian General Qassim Suleimani. Helene Cooper on why President Trump chose to do it. It’s Monday, January 6.

Helene, what do we know about what led up to this extraordinary decision by the U.S. to take out General Suleimani?

helene cooper

Well, from what we’ve been able to piece together over the past few days, all of this started on December 27.

archived recording

And just into Fox, an American contractor was just killed in northern Iraq in a rocket attack, and several U.S. troops were also injured.

helene cooper

When an Iranian-backed Shiite militia group launched an attack in Iraq that ended up killing an American contractor.

archived recording

This is just the latest in a spate of similar rocket attacks, but it’s the first time that we’re actually seeing U.S. casualties.

helene cooper

Right after this happened, the Pentagon drew up the perennial list of options that the Defense Department is always keeping for the president to respond and decide what he’s going to do in order to respond to the attack. General Mark Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Defense Secretary Mark Esper both flew to Mar-a-Lago, where President Trump was spending the holidays, and met with him, presenting him this list of how do you respond to what the administration immediately determined was an Iranian-backed attack. One option included striking Iranian ships. Another option was striking, perhaps, a missile site or two, or looking for a way to launch airstrikes against the Iranian-backed Shiite militias in Iraq that had started this. Also on the list was one extreme option, which was to launch an attack, which would really be a targeted assassination, actually, of General Qassim Suleimani, who is the head of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’s Quds Force, and it’s basically Iran’s very muscular, yet covert, arm of the Iranian military. He’s, in essence, the most senior military commander in Iran. This is something that the Defense Department often does, is they will put an extreme option on the table because they will always give all options to the president, but it’s almost their way of nudging the president toward an option that they prefer, right? If you put something that is viewed as a little bit crazy out there, then you get him to do what you want. President Trump, at the time, did not choose the nuclear option.

archived recording (mike pompeo)

What we did was take a decisive response that makes clear what President Trump has said for months and months and months, which is that we will not stand for the Islamic Republic of Iran to take actions that put American men and women in jeopardy.

helene cooper

He went for, let’s launch an attack on the Shiite militia group that launched the attack that killed the American contractor.

archived recording 1

The Pentagon says it carried out military strikes in Iraq and Syria, targeting a militia group.

archived recording 2

A spokesman for the group says U.S. airstrikes killed at least 25 of their fighters and hurt more than 50 others. This happened in Iraq and Syria yesterday.

michael barbaro

So the president, in the end, chooses a pretty measured kind of tit-for-tat response. We were attacked by missiles, so we will attack with missiles.

helene cooper

Exactly, and we’ll attack who attacked us.

michael barbaro

Got it.

archived recording (mark esper)

I would add that, in our discussion today with the president, we discussed with him other options that are available, and I would note also that we will take additional actions as necessary to ensure that we act in our own self-defense, and we deter further bad behavior from militia groups or from Iran.

helene cooper

So then, a couple of days later, President Trump is still at Mar-a-Lago, and he’s watching TV. He’s still angry about the initial Shiite militia attack that killed the American contractor, but now he’s seeing, on TV, all of these video images of Iranian-backed protesters attacking the American Embassy in Baghdad.

archived recording 1

A chaotic scene as protesters stormed the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad today, scaling the walls, forcing the gates, and setting fires inside the heavily guarded compound while diplomats were trapped inside. Some protesters were chanting, “Death to America.”

archived recording 2

[CHANTING]

helene cooper

And one of the first things that come to his mind is Benghazi and the attack on the American Consulate in Benghazi in 2011 that led to the death of four Americans, including the ambassador to Libya.

michael barbaro

Which was an attack of protesters —

helene cooper

Yes.

michael barbaro

— on an American, essentially, embassy-like building.

helene cooper

Yes.

archived recording

How would you have handled that, if you were watching, in real time, Americans under fire at the American Consulate, and an ambassador under fire?

archived recording (donald trump)

Well, it would have never taken place, because I think —

helene cooper

President Trump, during his campaign, and for years after the initial attack in Benghazi, really went after Hillary Clinton, who was secretary of state at the time, for not doing enough to prevent that. And this had been a rallying cry during his 2016 campaign, so this was a pretty big deal for him.

archived recording (donald trump)

Horribly handled. A horrible leadership. She’s a horrible leader.

helene cooper

So he’s watching, now, these attacks that are happening under his own watch, and he’s thinking about Benghazi, according to his aides that we talked to. He’s also thinking about the 1979 attack on the American Embassy in Iran that led to the hostage crisis. He’s getting more and more angry, according to his aides, and then he calls for his menu of options again, and this time, he picks the extreme option.

michael barbaro

And so this is the moment when the president calls for the strike on Suleimani, this top general.

helene cooper

That’s right. Pentagon officials and administration officials were very surprised, because it’s one thing to give an option to a president. It’s another thing for him to actually do it. They had put that option on the menu for President Trump, not thinking that he would take it, and now he has taken it. So the Defense Department went into action. This is something that the American Defense Department, quite tragically, almost, is very good at doing. We know how to kill people, and we have been tracking, for more than a decade, almost two decades, Qassim Suleimani. So intelligence-wise, we had intelligence reports that he would be flying into Baghdad International Airport that night. There was some question now, as the military is setting up, just sort of the mechanics of how this strike is going to be conducted. The Pentagon had determined that, if he was met, for instance, by Iraqi officials who were friendly towards the United States, they would not go ahead with the strike. If he was not, they would. When General Suleimani’s plane landed, he was met by the head of one of Iraq’s Iranian-backed Shia militias, who was viewed by the United States as somebody who — I think the phrase they used was a “clean party,” meaning it’s O.K. to kill him. It’s kind of a weird way of saying it.

michael barbaro

So a clean party means somebody we don’t mind killing?

helene cooper

Exactly. Exactly. And so they authorized the strike and blew up the two-car convoy as it was leaving Baghdad International Airport.

archived recording 1

In a dramatic escalation of tensions in the Middle East, a U.S. airstrike has killed Iran’s most important military commander.

archived recording 2

This was a swift, precise military strike that has huge, unpredictable and possibly long-term consequences.

michael barbaro

So help us to understand the significance of this decision by the president. Why was this ever an option given to him, even if it was the most extreme option? And why do we think he chose it?

helene cooper

It’s hard to explain why President Trump chose to take this option. I think many of us don’t understand it ourselves. The administration will tell you that he’s a very bad guy, and there’s no denying that. The administration will also tell you that he’s responsible for the death of hundreds of American troops. That is true as well. The issue, though — that has been true for years and years, as American troops have battled some Iranian-backed Shia militias in Iraq, and both Presidents Bush and Obama made the decision not to kill Suleimani because he was a general with the Iranian military, and the United States traditionally does not go around assassinating military generals. The last time we did this was in 1943 during World War II, when we took out a Japanese admiral. Iran is a sovereign state. Assassinating one of their officials is pretty much almost the same thing as assassinating the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, or a high-ranking American official, and then own up to it and take credit for it. It’s just not something that is normally often done in broad daylight. But we should also remember that, just a month ago, President Trump authorized the killing of Baghdadi that ISIS had, and he got a lot of very good and deserved credit for that. The administration now, today, will try to make the equivalent that General Suleimani is the same as Baghdadi, that he’s a terrorist, and he has certainly been behind many proxy terrorist acts by Iranian-backed groups in Yemen, in Lebanon, in Iraq and in Syria. So that has been increasing in recent months as the United States has choked off Iran economically.

archived recording 1

We’re following multiple breaking stories, including Iran’s seizure of at least one oil tanker in the Strait of Hormuz today, and there are now conflicting reports about whether a second tanker was seized. Iran is clearly messaging that they hold cards here, but as this continues to go on, what will Iran continue to do?

archived recording 2

Well, you know, Brianna, I think it’s important that we understand what’s motivating Iran right now. Look, since the United States pulled out of the Iran nuclear deal, and the administration imposed new sanctions on Iran, those sanctions have absolutely crippled Iran’s economy.

helene cooper

That led the Iranian regime to start, as a lot of people at the Pentagon say, acting out, and you saw an increase in attacks from Iran, which has been punching out because it was being punched. And that is one of the reasons that the administration has now given for why this strike was taken. The other big reason, though, leads back to this, which is that the administration is saying that Suleimani was planning additional, even more high-profile attacks on the United States and on American interests and assets in the region, and that this was eminent.

archived recording (mike pompeo)

We could see that he was continuing down this path, that there were in fact plots that he was working on that were aimed directly at significant harm to American interests throughout the region, not just in Iraq.

helene cooper

You know, you’re hearing that from General Milley, the head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. You heard that on Sunday from Secretary of State Pompeo.

archived recording (mike pompeo)

We would’ve been culpably negligent had we not taken this action. The American people would have said that we weren’t doing the right thing to protect and defend American lives.

helene cooper

Which is the argument that Suleimani was about to launch another imminent attack on American interests.

michael barbaro

Helene, of all the rationales that we’ve heard from the Trump administration, this seems to be the most important in terms of explaining why we would do this now, take out Suleimani. But of course, the U.S. has a very complicated history of using potential threats to American interests as a rationale for actions overseas, especially in the Middle East. So what does your reporting show about how we should be thinking about this explanation of an imminent attack?

helene cooper

That’s such an interesting and key question, how we should be thinking about the administration rationale for this attack. Do we believe them, or do we not? Our reporting shows that it depends on where you stand. There is no question that General Suleimani has planned, and was continuing to plan, attacks against the United States through these groups, but that’s been going on for more than 15 years. So the question then becomes, why now? The administration says there was something imminent and big that was about to happen, and they appear to be basing that on intelligence reports that they’ve received about General Suleimani’s travels in the last few days leading up to the attack that took his life. But these same intel sources also say that he had been asked by Ayatollah Khamenei, who’s the supreme leader of Iran, to come back to Iran, that Khomeini had not authorized anything. He had requested permission, and he was not given it, and he was told to come back to Iran. So that then belies the whole question of “imminent.” Does it become something that is happening in two days, or something that hasn’t even been approved yet? So what the administration, then, will have to answer to the American people, if this leads to war, which it might, is whether or not this assassination was worth it.

[music]

michael barbaro

We’ll be right back.

Helene, what has been the response in the Middle East in the days since the U.S. killed Suleimani?

helene cooper

The response since the U.S. killed Suleimani in the Middle East has been huge.

archived recording

[YELLING AND CHANTING]

helene cooper

In Iran, where protesters had, two weeks ago, been protesting against the regime, they had now united, apparently, behind the regime, and had turned their ire on the United States.

archived recording

[YELLING AND CHANTING]

helene cooper

You’re seeing these familiar views of American flags being burned in the streets.

archived recording

[PROTESTORS SPEAKING]

helene cooper

This massive outpouring of mourners.

It’s certainly ramped up the anti-American sentiment in Iran.

archived recording

[MOURNING PRAYER]

helene cooper

Meanwhile, in Baghdad, you’re seeing similar outpourings of grief, but that’s been accompanied by the Iraqi Parliament voting unanimously this morning to expel the United States from Iraq. They didn’t put forth a timeline for withdrawal, so there’s still some wiggle room there. But particularly the Shiites and the Iraqi government are very, very angry at the United States right now.

archived recording

[YELLING AND CHANTING]

helene cooper

You have to understand that Iraq is made up of three very distinct groups — Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds — but it is predominantly Shiite. Iran is Shiite as well, and the Iraqi government is very close to Iran. The Shiites in Iraq are particularly close to General Suleimani and view him, in many ways, as one of their own. They’re also upset, though, because this was a targeted killing in their country. So in much the same way that if something like this happened in the United States, the United States government would be upset. That’s another reason why the Iraqi government is so angry.

michael barbaro

Helene, can Iraq and its legislature do that? Can they kick the U.S. troops out of the country?

helene cooper

They can. Iraq can say, you are no longer welcome. Remember, we are there at the invitation of the Iraqi government, ostensibly to fight the Islamic State. That battle is largely over. So yes, the Iraqi government can kick the United States military out of Iraq. Whether they do or not, whether this is posturing, I don’t know yet. Every couple of hours, you see something else. Right after the Iraqi Parliament voted, we saw the Pentagon announced that it was suspending the anti-ISIS coalition effort in Iraq. There are 4,000 American troops who’ve been there, and that the troops who are in Iraq will be focused on protecting the American citizens who are still in the country, but who are being advised to leave as soon as possible. It’s like 2013 all over again, when the Obama administration ended combat and pulled troops out of Iraq. And you saw the rise of ISIS because once the United States is gone and out of the country, these other factions are given more room to maneuver and more room to thrive. And so you can see how these events could lead to a resurgence of ISIS if the ground becomes clear for them to move around more freely.

michael barbaro

And wasn’t Suleimani also leading an Iranian militia that was an enemy of ISIS?

helene cooper

Yes, there was a de facto cooperation between Suleimani and the United States in the fight against ISIS. They were both opposed to ISIS, and they were both fighting ISIS on the same turf.

michael barbaro

Right, which would have made, in a very narrow and complicated way, Suleimani an ally in our fight against ISIS, even though he’s our enemy in many other respects.

helene cooper

He was an ally in our fight against ISIS. That is correct.

[music]

michael barbaro

Helene, the ripple effects of all this are very complicated, but I wonder if there’s a simple way of thinking about this, which is that after all these months of provocation and response between the U.S. and Iran, that President Trump felt it was time for the U.S. to remind Iran that, at the end of the day, we are the military superpower, and our advantages over them are extraordinary and represent the kind of deterrent that means, whatever Iran’s ultimate response to this is, it will not be all that severe — that, in a sense, we just called Iran’s bluff.

helene cooper

That would work if we hadn’t started this to begin with by pulling out of the Iranian nuclear deal, which was signed in 2015 under the Obama administration, and which was hated by President Trump and many Republicans.

archived recording (donald trump)

I have been in business a long time. I know deal-making, and let me tell you, this deal is catastrophic for America, for Israel, and for the whole of the Middle East.

helene cooper

They viewed it as too weak, and said that it gave Iran rewards, as it did, by lifting sanctions for stopping their uranium enrichment, but did not address Iran’s misbehavior, and this is the General Suleimani-type misbehavior, in other areas.

archived recording (donald trump)

The problem here is fundamental. We’ve rewarded the world’s leading state sponsor of terror with $150 billion, and we received absolutely nothing in return.

helene cooper

When we pulled out of the nuclear deal, we reimposed sanctions on Iran, and put even stiffer sanctions on the country. We started to punish companies and basically told the world, you either do business with Iran, or you do business with America. And of course, most of the world chose America. That had the result of completely putting a strangle on the Iranian economy, and that is kind of what has led to the Iranian regime then starting escalating attacks against the United States, because this is a hard-line regime, and they clearly believe that if they’re hurting, they’re going to pull the United States down into the mud with them.

michael barbaro

But doesn’t it still stand to reason that if that is the situation that we are in, in a post-nuclear deal world, where Iran decides that the only way that it can operate is with attacks through militias that it organizes against the U.S., that taking out a person like Suleimani is a reasonable option, given our superiority over Iran? We have nuclear weapons. They do not. We have superpower military capabilities. They do not. That doesn’t leave them with a whole lot of options. Does it?

helene cooper

Back in the ‘80s, there was this tanker war, where Iran, Iraq and the U.S. were all going after each other. And they made the Persian Gulf an impossible place, and the price of oil went way up. And it ended up with the United States, by mistake, shooting down an Iranian passenger jet. And Iran made a lot of noise after that happened, and then they quieted down. So there is precedent for that, but I think it’s easily as much of a chance that they don’t quiet. Iran has a whole lot of options to make us hurt. Certainly, the United States is much better equipped, but unless we’re actually suggesting that we’re going to drop a nuclear bomb on downtown Tehran, it’s never that easy once you get into a conventional war. So we went to war in Iraq, which lasted years, and which we are still seeing some of the consequences from. A war with Iran would be so much worse than any kind of war with Iraq. They’re way more sophisticated than Iraq ever was. They have the ability to make it hurt. So the question can be phrased as, is the United States willing to give up the blood and treasure it would take to subdue Iran? Which of course, it could, but it’s going to cost us something. So are we willing to pay that fee?

[music]

michael barbaro

Helene, thank you. Thank you for talking to us on a Sunday. Thank you.

helene cooper

Thank you, Michael.

michael barbaro

For everything. We appreciate it.

helene cooper

All right, bye-bye.

michael barbaro

On Sunday, Iran’s leaders and their allies began to openly discuss plans for retaliation against the United States, saying that they would target America’s military bases and its soldiers. In an interview with CNN, a high-level adviser to Iran’s supreme leader said, quote, “The only thing that can end this period of war is for the Americans to receive a blow that is equal to the blow that they have inflicted.” On Twitter, President Trump warned Iran against such a response, writing, quote, “They attacked us, & we hit back. If they attack again, which I would strongly advise them not to do, we will hit them harder than they have ever been hit before!”

We’ll be right back.

Here’s what else you need to know today.

archived recording (elizabeth warren)

Look, it was a targeted attack on a government official, a high-ranking military official for the government of Iran, and what it’s done has moved this country closer to war. We are not safer today than we were before Donald Trump acted.

michael barbaro

In interviews on Sunday, the leading Democratic candidates for president, including Senator Elizabeth Warren and Mayor Pete Buttigieg, on CNN, challenged the Trump administration’s rationale for killing General Suleimani and predicted that it could backfire on the U.S.

archived recording (pete buttigieg)

Now, let’s be clear, Qassim Suleimani was a bad figure. He has American blood on his hands. None of us should shed a tear for his death. But just because he deserved it doesn’t mean it was the right strategic move. This is about consequences.

michael barbaro

In a statement, former Vice President Joe Biden said that the president, quote, “just tossed a stick of dynamite into a tinderbox,” and Senator Bernie Sanders, at a campaign stop, accused the president of violating his campaign pledge.

archived recording (bernie sanders)

Trump promised to end endless wars. Tragically, his actions now put us on the path to another war, potentially one that could be even worse than before.

michael barbaro

And Australia’s government said that it would deploy the country’s military to fight a set of catastrophic fires that have already burned more than 12 million acres, an area larger than Switzerland, killed at least 24 people, and killed or injured hundreds of millions of animals. The Times reports that the fires are now so large and hot that they are creating their own weather patterns, further fueling the blazes. That’s it for “The Daily.” I’m Michael Barbaro. See you tomorrow.

Mr. Trump made the decision, senior officials said on Saturday, despite disputes in the administration about the significance of what some officials said was a new stream of intelligence that warned of threats to American embassies, consulates and military personnel in Syria, Iraq and Lebanon. General Suleimani had just completed a tour of his forces in Syria, Lebanon and Iraq, and was planning an “imminent” attack that could claim hundreds of lives, those officials said.

“Days, weeks,” Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said on Friday, when asked how imminent any attacks could be, without offering more detail other than to say that new information about unspecified plotting was “clear and unambiguous.”

But some officials voiced private skepticism about the rationale for a strike on General Suleimani, who was responsible for the deaths of hundreds of American troops over the years. According to one United States official, the new intelligence indicated “a normal Monday in the Middle East” — Dec. 30 — and General Suleimani’s travels amounted to “business as usual.”

That official described the intelligence as thin and said that General Suleimani’s attack was not imminent because of communications the United States had between Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and General Suleimani showing that the ayatollah had not yet approved any plans by the general for an attack. The ayatollah, according to the communications, had asked General Suleimani to come to Tehran for further discussions at least a week before his death.

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Vice President Mike Pence were two of the most hawkish voices arguing for a response to Iranian aggression, according to administration officials. Mr. Pence’s office helped run herd on meetings and conference calls held by officials in the run-up to the strike.

Defense Secretary Mark T. Esper and General Milley declined to comment for this article, but General Milley’s spokeswoman, Col. DeDe Halfhill, said, without elaborating, that “some of the characterizations being asserted by other sources are false” and that she would not discuss conversations between General Milley and the president.

The fallout from Mr. Trump’s targeted killing is now underway. On Saturday in Iraq, the American military was on alert as tens of thousands of pro-Iranian fighters marched through the streets of Baghdad and calls accelerated to eject the United States from the country. United States Central Command, which oversees American military operations in the Middle East, said there were two rocket attacks near Iraqi bases that host American troops, but no one was injured.

In Iran, the ayatollah vowed “forceful revenge” as the country mourned the death of General Suleimani.

In Palm Beach, Fla., Mr. Trump lashed back, promising to strike 52 sites across Iran — representing the number of American hostages taken by Iran in 1979 — if Iran attacked Americans or American interests. On Saturday night, Mr. Trump warned on Twitter that some sites were “at a very high level & important to Iran & the Iranian culture, and those targets, and Iran itself, WILL BE HIT VERY FAST AND VERY HARD.”

The president issued those warnings after American spy agencies on Saturday detected that Iranian ballistic missile units across the country had gone to a heightened state of readiness, a United States official said on Saturday night.

Other officials said it was unclear whether Iran was dispersing its ballistic missile units — the heart of the Iranian military — to avoid American attack, or was mobilizing the units for a major strike against American targets or allies in the region in retaliation for General Suleimani’s death.

On Capitol Hill, Democrats voiced growing suspicions about the intelligence that led to the killing. At the White House, officials formally notified Congress of a war powers resolution with what the administration said was a legal justification for the strike.

At Fort Bragg, N.C., some 3,500 soldiers, one of the largest rapid deployments in decades, are bound for the Middle East.

Image
Officials mobilized some 3,500 soldiers from Fort Bragg, N.C., one of the largest rapid deployments in decades.Credit...Travis Dove for The New York Times

General Suleimani, who was considered the most important person in Iran after Ayatollah Khamenei, was a commanding general of a sovereign government. The last time the United States killed a major military leader in a foreign country was during World War II, when the American military shot down the plane carrying the Japanese admiral Isoroku Yamamoto.

But administration officials are playing down General Suleimani’s status as a part of the Iranian state, suggesting his title gave him cover for terrorist activities. In the days since his death, they have sought to describe the strike as more in line with the killing of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the Islamic State leader, who died in October in an American commando raid in Syria.

Administration officials insisted they did not anticipate sweeping retaliation from Iran, in part because of divisions in the Iranian leadership. But Mr. Trump’s two predecessors — Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama — had rejected killing General Suleimani as too provocative.

General Suleimani had been in Mr. Trump’s sights since the beginning of the administration, although it was a Dec. 27 rocket attack on an Iraqi military base outside Kirkuk, which left an American civilian contractor dead, that set the killing in motion.

General Milley and Mr. Esper traveled on Sunday to Mar-a-Lago, Mr. Trump’s Palm Beach resort, a day after officials presented the president with an initial list of options for how to deal with escalating violence against American targets in Iraq.

The options included strikes on Iranian ships or missile facilities or against Iranian-backed militia groups in Iraq. The Pentagon also tacked on the choice of targeting General Suleimani, mainly to make other options seem reasonable.

Mr. Trump chose strikes against militia groups. On Sunday, the Pentagon announced that airstrikes approved by the president had struck three locations in Iraq and two in Syria controlled by the group, Kataib Hezbollah.

Jonathan Hoffman, the chief Pentagon spokesman, said the targets included weapons storage facilities and command posts used to attack American and partner forces. About two dozen militia fighters were killed.

Image
Protesters on Tuesday at the American Embassy in Baghdad.Credit...Khalid Mohammed/Associated Press

“These were on remote sites,” General Milley told reporters on Friday in his Pentagon office. “There was no collateral damage.”

But the Iranians viewed the strikes as out of proportion to their attack on the Iraqi base and Iraqis, largely members of Iranian-backed militias, staged violent protests outside the American Embassy in Baghdad. Mr. Trump, who aides said had on his mind the specter of the 2012 attacks on the American compound in Benghazi, Libya, became increasingly angry as he watched television images of pro-Iranian demonstrators storming the embassy. Aides said he worried that no response would look weak after repeated threats by the United States.

When Mr. Trump chose the option of killing General Suleimani, top military officials, flabbergasted, were immediately alarmed about the prospect of Iranian retaliatory strikes on American troops in the region. It is unclear if General Milley or Mr. Esper pushed back on the president’s decision.

Over the next several days, the military’s Special Operations Command looked for an opportunity to hit General Suleimani, who operated in the open and was treated like a celebrity in many places he visited in the Middle East. Military and intelligence officials said the strike drew on information from secret informants, electronic intercepts, reconnaissance aircraft and other surveillance tools.

The option that was eventually approved depended on who would greet General Suleimani at his expected arrival on Friday at Baghdad International Airport. If he was met by Iraqi government officials allied with Americans, one American official said, the strike would be called off. But the official said it was a “clean party,” meaning members of Kataib Hezbollah, including its leader, Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis. Mr. Trump authorized the killing at about 5 p.m. on Thursday, officials said.

On Friday, missiles fired from an American MQ-9 Reaper blew up General Suleimani’s convoy as it departed the airport.

Helene Cooper is a Pentagon correspondent. She was previously an editor, diplomatic correspondent and White House correspondent, and was part of the team awarded the 2015 Pulitzer Prize for International Reporting, for its coverage of the Ebola epidemic. More about Helene Cooper

Eric Schmitt is a senior writer who has traveled the world covering terrorism and national security. He was also the Pentagon correspondent. A member of the Times staff since 1983, he has shared three Pulitzer Prizes. More about Eric Schmitt

Maggie Haberman is a White House correspondent. She joined The Times in 2015 as a campaign correspondent and was part of a team that won a Pulitzer Prize in 2018 for reporting on President Trump’s advisers and their connections to Russia. More about Maggie Haberman

Rukmini Callimachi covers Al Qaeda and ISIS and is a four-time Pulitzer Prize finalist. Before joining The Times in 2014, she spent seven years reporting from Africa for The Associated Press. More about Rukmini Callimachi

A version of this article appears in print on  , Section A, Page 1 of the New York edition with the headline: Trump’s Choice of Killing Stunned Defense Officials. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe

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