Byzantium in Eastern European Visual Culture in the Late Middle Ages Edited by Maria Alessia Rossi Alice Isabella Sullivan LEIDEN | BOSTON For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV Contents Acknowledgments ix List of Illustrations x Notes on Contributors xvi Introduction 1 Maria Alessia Rossi and Alice Isabella Sullivan 1 The Allegory of Wisdom in Chrelja’s Tower Seen through Philotheos Kokkinos 14 Justin L. Willson 2 How Byzantine Was the Moscow Inauguration of 1498? Alexandra Vukovich 3 Intellectual Relationships between the Byzantine and Serbian Elites during the Palaiologan Era 71 Elias Petrou 4 An Unexpected Image of Diplomacy in a Vatican Panel Marija Mihajlovic-Shipley 5 Byzantine Heritage and Serbian Ruling Ideology in Early 14th-Century Monumental Painting 119 Maria Alessia Rossi 6 Dečani between the Adriatic Littoral and Byzantium Ida Sinkević 7 Triconch Churches Sponsored by Serbian and Wallachian Nobility Jelena Bogdanović 167 8 Moldavian Art and Architecture between Byzantium and the West Alice Isabella Sullivan 200 9 The Byzantine Tradition in Wallachian and Moldavian Embroideries 232 Henry David Schilb 36 91 143 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV viii 10 Contents Rethinking the Veglia Altar Frontal from the Victoria and Albert Museum and Its Patron 248 Danijel Ciković and Iva Jazbec Tomaić Indices 281 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV chapter 1 The Allegory of Wisdom in Chrelja’s Tower Seen through Philotheos Kokkinos Justin L. Willson 1 Chrelja’s Tower: The Setting of the Frescoes In 1335 the Serbian general Stefan Chrelja Dragovol (d. 1342) erected a military tower on the grounds of the Monastery of St. John of Rila in southwestern Bulgaria (Fig. 1.1).1 Similar in design to structures built on Mount Athos in the Palaiologan period, the tower overlooked a string of valleys cascading down from the peaks of the Rila mountains. Dedicated to the Mother of God Osianovitsa and St. John of Rila, the tower consisted of six stories, standing almost twenty-four meters (seventy-eight feet) high, and measuring roughly eight meters (twenty-six feet) square.2 On the upper elevation an ambulatory enclosed a narthex which led into a chapel at the tower’s eastern end (Figs. 1.2 and 1.3). While the builders equipped the lower floors with outlooks and fortified recesses, to serve military enterprise, they designed the upper story to open into a communal space of worship, echoing the layout of a cross-insquare Byzantine church.3 Likely under the patronage of Chrelja, the narthex and chapel were decorated with frescoes. Damaged by fire in the late 18th century, they underwent repainting and subsequently were uncovered and restored in the 1960s by a team under Liuben Prashkov’s direction.4 In the narthex, frescoes of 1 On Chrelja, see M.C. Bartusis, “Chrelja and Momčilo: Occasional Servants of Byzantium in Fourteenth Century Macedonia,” Byzantinoslavica 41 (1980): 201–21. On the tower, see Asen Kirin, “Contemplating the Vistas of Piety at the Rila Monastery Pyrgos,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 59 (2005): 95–138. 2 On the southern wall of the tower a brick and mortar inscription states: “During the rule of the most exalted master King Stefan Dušan, master Protosebast Chrelja, with great effort and expense, built this tower dedicated to the Holy Father John of Rila and to the Mother of God called Osianovitsa in the year 6843 indiction 5 [i.e., 1335].” Translation in Kirin, “Vistas of Piety,” p. 102 n. 14. The monks later rededicated the chapel to the Transfiguration. 3 Kirin, “Vistas of Piety,” pp. 99, 122. 4 The fundamental study of the frescoes remains Liuben Prashkov, Khrel’ovata kula: Istoriia, arkhitektura, zhivopis (Sofia: Bŭlgarski khudozhnik, 1973); summarized in “Khreleva bashnia Rilskogo monastyria i ee stenopis’,” in Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo: Zarubezhnye sviazi, ed. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004421370_003 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV The Allegory of Wisdom in Chrelja ’ s Tower 15 figure 1.1 Chrelja’s Tower, Rila Monastery, 1335 photograph by Mark Ahsmann, provided by Wikimedia Commons, published under the Creative Commons license CC-BY-3.0 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 16 Willson figure 1.2 Vertical cross section of Chrelja’s tower drawing by Georgi Stoikov. Reproduced after Prashkov, Khrel’ovata kula, fig. 7 For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV The Allegory of Wisdom in Chrelja ’ s Tower 17 singers and musicians (after Psalms 148, 149, and 150), a melismos, and a Christ Pantokrator in the dome survive in fragments.5 Unfortunately, the relation between this suite of images and that in the chapel is difficult to ascertain, given the fragmentary state of the narthex decoration. Nevertheless, Asen Kirin has proposed reading the psalm imagery in conjunction with the design of the ambulatory where windows overlooking the valley provided the monks with an opportunity to contemplate nature. For Kirin, these images guided the viewer out of nature into the chapel filled with images of saints and a single window facing east.6 Entering the small space of the chapel one is enveloped by a sophisticated program. Over the altar in the east stands a now-damaged Mother of God Platytera. Three fragmentary scenes from the life of St. John of Rila (876/80– 946), the founder of the monastery, hang on the western wall in the adjacent conchs.7 Due to their poor condition, very little can be said about the relation of either of these sets of images to the fresco in the dome overhead (Figs. 1.4–1.6). Measuring 1.8 meters (six feet) in diameter and standing almost four meters (thirteen feet) high, the scalloped, six-part surface portrays Solomon’s Allegory of Wisdom. While abraded, the image provides a clear indication of the talent and inventiveness of the Rila painter.8 The use of the chapel during the 14th century remains uncertain. No documents exist to shed light on how the monks interacted with the space, nor 5 6 7 8 G.V. Popov (Moscow: Nauka, 1975), pp. 147–71. Several important remarks on Prashkov can be found in Patrick Lecaque, “The Monastery of Rila during the XIV Century and the Wall-Paintings of the Tower of Hreljo,” Macedonian Studies 5, no. 3–4 (1988): 3–49, esp. 8–19. Color reproductions of the frescoes are printed in Mikhail Enev, Rila Monastery (Sofia: Balkan Pub. Co., with the assistance of the European Centre for Education and Training, 1997), pp. 115‒25. See D. Piguet-Panayotova, “La chapelle dans la tour de Khrelju au monastère de Rila,” Byzantion 49 (1979): 363–84; and Lecaque, “The Monastery of Rila,” pp. 24–37. Kirin, “Vistas of Piety,” pp. 130–31. See Elka Bakalova, “Zur Interpretation des frühesten Zyklus der Vita des hl. Ivan von Rila in der bildenden Kunst,” in Festschrift für Klaus Wessel zum 70. Geburstag: In memoriam, ed. Marcell Restle (Munich: Editio Maris, 1988), pp. 39–48; Lecaque, “The Monastery of Rila,” pp. 19–24; and Patrick Lecaque, “Représentations de Saint Jean de Rila dans les peintures de la tour de Hrel’o au monastère de Rila (XIV e siècle),” Revue des études slaves 60, no. 2 (1988): 513–17. In speaking of the painter’s “inventiveness,” I am aware that originality bore a different valence in Byzantium. On artists in the medieval East, see L’artista a Bisanzio e nel mondo cristiano-orientale, ed. Michele Bacci (Pisa: Edizioni della Normale, 2007). For a discussion of originality in Byzantium, see Justin Willson, “A Meadow that Lifts the Soul: Originality as Anthologizing in the Byzantine Church Interior,” Journal of the History of Ideas 81, no. 1 (2020): 1–21. For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 18 Willson figure 1.3 Floor plan of upper level of Chrelja’s tower, east is to the left drawing by Stefan Boiadzhiev, repr. after Prashkov, Khrel’ovata kula, fig. 8 are there any surviving monuments contemporary with the tower to situate the chapel within the monastery’s early built environment. That said, given that the top floor replicates church architecture, one can probably assume a liturgical setting. Chrelja likely recruited painters from Serbia rather than Constantinople, because throughout the 1330s he was serving as a general under the Serbian king Stephen Dušan.9 However, nothing in his life suggests a special interest in the theme of Wisdom. In this light, considering that the fresco in the dome skillfully overlays an unprecedented iconography onto a scalloped surface, as discussed below, one can imagine that the painter, 9 Chrelja defected around 1340, allying himself with the future Byzantine emperor John Kantakouzenos (r. 1347–54). For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV The Allegory of Wisdom in Chrelja ’ s Tower 19 builders, and monks must have worked together on the form and layout of the chapel program. In the present discussion I shall propose that we can read the elaborate iconography of Solomon’s allegory in conversation with Greek writers who dealt with the same Biblical text. Pairing a visual witness from the Slavic context with a Greek thinker working in Constantinople—Patriarch Philotheos Kokkinos (r. 1353–54; 1364–76)—allows us to fully appreciate the common investment that both had in a shared Biblical teaching. Crucially, this teaching involved a theory of spiritual community. Conveyed through the mediums of paint and architecture, this allegory tells us about the Byzantine relationship to built space. Imbuing the tower with a didactic function, the Rila monks sought to inspire a form of life through a prophetic vision of community: a vision that became concrete in this house of worship. 2 The Iconography of the Chapel Frescoes Importantly, the Rila dome marks a new iconography of the Wisdom allegory. Lev Lifshits has classified the iconography of Wisdom into incremental stages of development. In the 10th-century miniatures in the Paris Psalter and in later frescoes at St. Sophia in Ohrid (1295) as well as in the katholika at Gračanica Monastery (1321) and Dečani Monastery (1348), Wisdom personifies the knowledge of kings and serves as a member of the heavenly court.10 In the katholikon at Sopoćani Monastery (1260s) and in the later Church of the Dormition on Volotovo Field in Novgorod (1380s), she inspires scriptural authors, including the four evangelists, to write eloquently.11 Finally, during the 10 11 Lev I. Lifshits, “Premudrost’ v russkoi ikonopisi,” Vizantiiskii vremennik 61 (2002): 138– 50. On the Wisdom cycles in these churches, see Karl Christian Felmy, “‘Die unendliche Weisheit, des Lebens Allgrund und Erschafferin’: Die Ikonen der Weisheit und die Göttliche Liturgie,” in ‘Die Weisheit baute ihr Haus’: Untersuchungen zu hymnischen und didaktischen Ikonen, ed. Karl Christian Felmy and Eva Haustein-Bartsch (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1999), pp. 43–68, esp. 43–44; Jean Meyendorff, “L’iconographie de la Sagesse divine dans la tradition byzantine,” Cahiers archéologiques 10 (1959): 259–77, esp. 270–73; and Svetozar Radojčić, “La table de la Sagesse dans la littérature et l’art serbes depuis le début du XIIe jusqu’au début du XIV e siècles,” Zbornik radova Vizantološkog instituta 16 (1975): 215–24. Lifshits, “Premudrost,’” 141. On the Wisdom cycle in the Novgorodian church, see T.A. Sidorova, “Volotovskaia freska ‘Premudrost’ sozda sebe dom’ i ee otnoshenie k novgorodskoi eresi strigol’nikov v XIV v.,” Trudy otdela drevnerusskoi literatury 26 (1971): 212–31. On Wisdom as a fountain of inspiration, see Christopher Walter, Art and Ritual of the Byzantine Church (London: Variorum, 1982), pp. 111–15; and Vladimir D. Sarabianov, For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 20 Willson figure 1.4 Drawing of frescoes in upper registers, chapel of Chrelja’s tower drawing by M. Reynolds; based partially on Prashkov, Khrel’ovata kula, annotation figs. 7, 21–23, repr. in Kirin, “Vistas of Piety,” 129, fig. 42 Palaiologan era, she features as the hypostasis of the Trinity and the bestower of God’s seven spirits, two roles that the Rila painter combines in his depiction of her.12 Only one other instance of this previously unattested iconography is known from the medieval period: in the katholikon at Markov Monastery, in a 12 “Scenes of the ‘Sources of Divine Wisdom’ within the Iconographical Program of the Church of the Savior in the Monastery of Euphrosynia, Polotsk (Belarus),” Δελτίον της Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 36 (2015): 49–64. Erich Schilbach, “Ein eigenwilliger Maler aus der Spätzeit von Byzanz,” in Zwischen Polis, Provinz und Peripherie: Beiträge zur byzantinischen Geschichte und Kultur, ed. Lars M. Hoffmann and Anuscha Monchizadeh, Mainzer Veröffentlichungen zur Byzantinistik 7 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2005), pp. 895–925, esp. 918–22. For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV The Allegory of Wisdom in Chrelja ’ s Tower 21 figure 1.5 Allegory of Wisdom, fresco, chapel of Chrelja’s tower photograph by Ivan Vanev cycle dating to the early 1380s. Unlike at Rila, where the painter has placed the scene over the main altar, at Markov the artist has tucked it away in a wing of the narthex (Fig. 1.7).13 The Rila painter depicts Wisdom with hands outstretched, seated on a rainbow as she dispatches seven spirits, symbolized as infant boys with individualized gestures.14 They descend onto several groups of apostles, Old Testament kings, martyrs, church fathers, and angels (Figs. 1.4–1.5).15 At the western end of the drum a handsome, young king Solomon stands conversing with two older monarchs, one of whom may be his father David. Dressed in the imperial loros and wearing a luxurious crown, Solomon points with his right hand to 13 14 15 Gabriel Millet and Tania Velmans, La peinture du moyen âge en Yougoslavie (Serbie, Macédoine et Monténégro), vol. 4 (Paris: De Boccard, 1969), pls. 103–4, nos. 187–88. The individualized gestures are noted by Priscilla Hunt, “The Intellectual Vision in the Fresco at Hrelyo’s Tower: ‘Wisdom Builds Her House,’” in Fruits of Devotion: Essays in Honor of Predrag Matejic, ed. M.A. Johnson and Alice Isabella Sullivan, Ohio Slavic Papers 11 (Columbus, OH: Department of Slavic and East European Languages and Cultures, 2020), forthcoming. The exact identity of the martyr figures remains open to debate. For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 22 Willson the majestic figure of Wisdom overhead, while he holds in his left hand a scroll bearing the opening verse of his celebrated proverb: “Wisdom has built her house and carved out her seven pillars” (Proverbs 9:1). The text of the proverb continues around the base of the drum on several scrolls. Curling over the southern end of the ceiling is the second scroll with the next verse of the proverb: “She has sent forth her maidens, crying from the high places” (v. 3).16 Beneath this scroll, three apostles approach an angel who serves them wine in a shallow vessel. Continuing into the eastern quadrant of the sanctuary is the next scroll, which reads: “She has summoned them to her cup, saying, ‘Whoever is without reason, turn in to me’” (v. 4). Below, two angels tend to an altar table set with wine, bread, and a spoon. Finally, the last scroll, which unfurls over the northern end of the chapel, reads: “Drink the wine that I have mixed for you” (v. 5). Below, an angel serves wine to three church fathers who may be Chrysostom, Basil, and Gregory Nazianzos. Intriguingly, the painter has chosen not to represent Wisdom’s house, as was done at Dečani, in a fresco completed in 1348 and showing a temple with seven pillars (Fig. 1.8), but to solicit the architecture of the chapel to be that house. Differing from the smooth, convex curve of the vaulted narthex, the scalloped dome of the chapel, divided into six equal wedges, enables the painter to complete the iconography by treating the surfaces of the ceiling as if they were the very pillars of Wisdom’s house. Allocating one spirit to each of the six faces of the dome, the painter portrays the spirits descending onto the saints, while he depicts the seventh reclined on the western radius of the ceiling, perched over Solomon’s pointing index finger (Figs. 1.4–1.5).17 Incorporating the structural design of the chapel into his medium, he is able to erect Wisdom’s house in three dimensions. The painter sweeps worshipers up into the visionary mode of the allegory even as he concretizes, in this very chapel, the building Solomon foresaw. 16 17 For a transcription of the inscriptions, see Prashkov, Khrel’ovata kula, p. 30. On these spirits, see D.S. Golovkova, “‘Bogomater’ neopalimaia kupina’: Ikonografiia i simvolika,” in Iskusstvo khristianskogo mira. Sbornik statei 7, ed. A.A. Saltykov (Moscow: Pravoslavnyi Sviato-Tikhonovskii Bogoslovskii Institut, 2003), pp. 205–20, who discusses their appearance on icons of the Mother of God of the Burning Bush; and Ivan M. Ðorđević, “Darovi Svetog Duha u proskomidiji Bogorodičine crkve u Morači,” in Manastir Morača, ed. Branislav Todić and Danica Popović (Belgrade: Balkanološki institut, Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, 2006), pp. 195–211, esp. 200–2, who likens them to angels and classical erotes. For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV The Allegory of Wisdom in Chrelja ’ s Tower 23 figure 1.6 Wisdom, fresco, chapel of Chrelja’s tower photograph by Ivan Vanev For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 24 Willson figure 1.7 Allegory of Wisdom, fresco, narthex, katholikon of Markov Monastery, 1376–77 or 1380–81 photograph by Marka Tomić Ðurić 3 Kokkinos and the Byzantine and Slavic Commons I would suggest that Byzantine literature on the allegory offers a way of interpreting these artistic choices. In the Slavic tradition, only a few texts on the allegory were available, and none of them sheds much light on the question of the possible intentions of the painter.18 On the other hand, a discourse, 18 A commentary on the allegory by Hippolytus of Rome (d. 235) appears in the 1073 sbornik of Sviatoslav. See V.G. Briusova, “Tolkovanie na IX pritchu Solomona v Izbornike 1073 g.,” in Izbornik Sviatoslava 1073 g., ed. B.A. Rybakov (Moscow: Nauka, 1977), pp. 292–306. The Greek is in M. Richard, “Les fragments du commentaire de S. Hippolyte sur les Proverbes de Salomon,” Muséon 79 (1966): 61–94, at p. 82 (= PG 89, col. 593). As Richard observes, the text was often attributed to Anastasios Sinaites (7th century). For the Greek, see Richard, “Fragments,” 82–84. There also existed an ode for Great Thursday by Kosmas the Hymnographer (675–752), which is found in many Slavic manuscripts. For the Greek, see W. Christ and M. Paranikas, eds., Anthologia Graeca Carminum Christianorum (Leipzig: B.G. Teubner, 1871), p. 190 (ll. 7–13); and for a translation, Meyendorff, “Sagesse,” p. 261. Relevant for the present study’s focus on building, the allegory also featured in the liturgy for the dedication of churches (the enkainia). On the feast liturgy in Byzantium, For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV The Allegory of Wisdom in Chrelja ’ s Tower 25 penned in the late 14th century by Philotheos Kokkinos, presents a far lengthier analysis of the Biblical text and offers a literary parallel for the Rila painter’s handling of the allegory.19 While Kokkinos’s discourse has long been known to scholars and has been cited in passing in the context of visualizations of the allegory, no art historian has ever given it sustained attention.20 In part, this is because medieval Slavic bookmen never translated the Greek text and because many of the images only appear in the Slavic world. Consequently, scholars have judged the text as only tangentially related to artworks outside Constantinople. I would, however, like to propose another way of looking at the situation. While it is true that one cannot claim a direct, or even indirect, influence on the Rila painter for Kokkinos (who wrote nearly a half century later), still one can understand the two as giving voice to a shared understanding of the allegory. This conceptual affinity should not surprise. Viktor Lazarev and others have demonstrated the remarkable amount of conversation and exchange between Greek and Slavic artistic and literary milieus.21 But, at a deeper level, one can view this parity as an instance of what Cesare Casarino 19 20 21 see Robert Ousterhout, “New Temples and New Solomons: The Rhetoric of Byzantine Architecture,” in The Old Testament in Byzantium, ed. Paul Magdalino and Robert Nelson (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 2010), pp. 223–53, at 251; and in the Slavic world, Iu.K. Begunov, Tvorcheskoe nasledie Grigoriia Tsamblaka (Veliko-Turnovo: PIK, 2005), pp. 450–65, esp. 451, 452. See also an early Slavic hymnbook in V.G. Briusova, Sofiia premudrost’ bozhiia v drevnerusskoi literature i iskusstve (Moscow: Belyi gorod, 2000), pp. 61–63. B.S. Pseftonkas, ed., Φιλοθέου Κοκκίνου λόγοι καὶ ὁμιλίαι, Thessalonian Byzantine Writers 2 (Thessalonica: Centre for Byzantine Research, 1981). Kokkinos’s discourse was edited twice in the 19th century: Triantaphyllès (Venice, 1874); and Episkop Arsenii (Ivashenko) (Novgorod, 1898), with a facing Russian translation. On the text with special attention to artworks, see Meyendorff, “Sagesse,” p. 262; G.M. Prokhorov, “Poslanie Titu-ierarkhu Dionisiia Areopagita v slavianskom perevode i ikonografiia ‘Premudrost’ sozda sebe dom,’” Trudy otdela drevnerusskoi literatury 38 (1985): 7–41, esp. 10; L.M. Evseeva, “Dve simvolicheskie kompozitsii v rospisi XIV v. monastyria Zarzma,” Vizantiiskii vremennik 43 (1982): 134–46, esp. 138–41; Priscilla Hunt, “Confronting the End: The Interpretation of the Last Judgment in a Novgorod Wisdom Icon,” Byzantinoslavica 65 (2007): 275–325, esp. 276 n. 3, 279 n. 15, 280, 282 n. 25, 287 n. 35, 291 n. 45, 300 n. 79, 312 n. 108, and 313 n. 109; Sidorova, “Volotovskaia freska,” pp. 220–21; and L.M. Evseeva, “Pir Premudrosti,” in Sofiia premudrost’ bozhiia: Vystavka russkoi ikonopisi XII–XIX vekov iz sobranii muzeev Rossii, ed. O.A. Chernova, exh. cat. (Moscow: Radunitsa, 2000), pp. 194–97. See Victor N. Lazarev, “Verbreitung der byzantinischen Vorlagen und die altrussische Kunst,” in Évolution générale et développements régionaux en histoire de l’art. Actes du XXIIe Congrès international d’histoire de l’art; Budapest, 1969, 3 vols. (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1972), vol. 1, pp. 111–17; Viktor Lazarev, “La méthode de collaboration des maîtres byzantins et russes,” in Studies in Early Russian Art, trans. Katharine Judelson (London: Pindar, 2000), pp. 427–40; and M.A. Makhan’ko, “Greki i moskovskaia Rus’ XVI v. po materialam izobrazitel’nogo iskusstva i khudozhestvennoi kul’tury,” in Kapterevskie For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 26 Willson figure 1.8 Allegory of Wisdom, fresco, nave, katholikon of Dečani Monastery, 1348 photograph provided by BLAGO Fund, USA/Serbia, www.srpskoblago.org and Antonio Negri have called the “commons.”22 The commons, in Casarino’s words, is “no more a dialogue than it is a monologue … [but] that which is always at stake in any conversation: there where a conversation takes place … there where we are in common.”23 Said differently, the commons can be theorized as the bedrock identity underlying any cultural give-and-take. Before representational strategies can be appropriated and the play of similarity and difference can occur, there has to be a shared sense of value. Contributing a cultural artifact to the system, the producer anticipates how others will identify with it. Consequently, in the artifact, the values of the maker merge with those of the receiver who is present at the object’s conceptualization and material articulation. Representation is this moment of delay within the cause—a plurality that defines the artwork. This is what the “commons” captures. Quite simply, it draws our attention to the agency of all involved: the afterthought of production which yet has a foothold in the foreground of social capital—as a 22 23 chteniia—7. Sbornik statei, ed. M.V. Bibikov (Moscow: Institut vseobshchei istorii Rossiiskoi akademii nauk, 2009), pp. 258–302. Cesare Casarino and Antonio Negri, In Praise of the Common: A Conversation on Philosophy and Politics (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008). Ibid., 1. For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV The Allegory of Wisdom in Chrelja ’ s Tower 27 co-innovator, and a fellow enabler of a prized commodity. To stipulate this as a methodology is to ask whether an artifact that achieves wide success might not depend on the basic need for recognition that we all share, as finite creatures. In this spirit, I shall resist interrogating the “geography” of the Wisdom allegory or framing a “dialogue” between two locales of representation—a chapel in Bulgaria and a text from Constantinople—to ask about a far more expansive cultural landscape: a social totality in which the allegory’s theory of architecture was invested at a very elemental level. With this heuristic in mind, we can explore the larger cultural “we” inhabited by Kokkinos and the fresco. 4 The Wisdom Fresco Seen through Kokkinos Kokkinos addresses his discourse to a certain Bishop Ignatios (1353–76) who may have presided over the see of Panion/Thrace and have signed documents condemning the anti-Palamites.24 In the first part of the discourse Kokkinos discusses the nature of Solomon’s wisdom, distinguishing it from other wisdoms. In part two, he opens an analysis of Solomon’s allegory. It is the latter section that bears relevance for a discussion of the Rila fresco. Inquiring into how the seven pillars should be understood, Kokkinos writes: If you were to understand the building of the universal church of believers as the house of God’s Wisdom, in the way mentioned [above], transferring the concept, that is, from what is partial and singular to what is general and universal, and thus you were to understand the seven pillars too, I think that this would be most excellent and entirely fitting. For, the seven pillars which support Wisdom’s house, and the unshakeable foundation, we understand properly, before anything else, as the seven great activities of the Spirit, which the wonderful Zechariah calls “the seven eyes of God that cast their gaze over the entire earth” (Zechariah 4:10). And the great Isaiah calls these the seven spirits divinely reposed on the branch sprouting from David’s root, which is evidently Christ (Isaiah 11:1–2). For, “in him,” says the divine apostle, “the fullness of the godhead dwells bodily” (Colossians 2:9). Whence flowing abundantly, as if from an 24 In some manuscripts the scribe records the addressee as τῷ συνεπισκόπῳ Ἰγνατίῳ. Pseftonkas, Κοκκίνου λόγοι, p. 69. See Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit, ed. Erich Trapp et al. (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1976–1996), [nos.] 8013/14 for a Palamite bishop named Ignatios who oversaw the see of Panion/Thrace. For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 28 Willson eternal spring, by an unlimited, as a certain writer says, grace, onto the evangelists and apostles through a variety of signs and miracles, so these firmly established and unmoving pillars have assembled and fastened together the universal church of believers [2:5].25 Kokkinos here describes Wisdom’s pillars as the seven spirits reposed on the son of David.26 Next, mixing metaphors, he adds that these spirits “flow” down onto the apostles and evangelists like a “spring,” which, curiously, has “assembled” and “fastened together” the church of believers. In a similar way, the Rila painter mixes metaphors. Representing the “pillars” of Wisdom as spirits reclined on a holy power that manifests itself to the saints, he suggests that the monks below are a foundation enabling God’s house to be built marvelously from the top down. Kokkinos develops this thought later where he plays with a pun from the apostle Paul: Once again, the apostle, continuing his previous remark and teaching about the edification of the church and its means [τὴν οἰκοδομὴν τῆς ἐκκλησίας καὶ τὴν ὕλην], (says): “On the other hand, he who prophesies speaks to men for their edification and encouragement and consolation. He who speaks in a tongue edifies himself, but he who prophesies edifies the church [Ὁ λαλῶν γλώσσῃ ἑαυτὸν οἰκοδομεῖ, ὁ δὲ προφητεύων, ἐκκλησίαν οἰκοδομεῖ]. Now, I want all of you to speak in tongues, but even more to prophesy. He who prophesies is greater than he who speaks in tongues, unless someone interprets, so that the church may be edified 25 26 Pseftonkas, Κοκκίνου λόγοι, pp. 95–96: Εἰ δὲ καὶ τὴν καθόλου τῶν πιστῶν ἐκκλησίαν ὁμοῦ τὸν οἶκον τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ σοφίας νοήσεις, ὑπ’ αὐτῆς ἐκείνης, ὃν εἴρηται τρόπον, οἰκοδομούμενον, ἀπὸ τῶν μερικῶν δηλαδὴ καὶ καθένα πρὸς τὰ καθόλου τε καὶ κοινὰ μεταφέρων τὸν λόγον, καὶ οὕτω τοὺς ἑπτὰ στύλους ἐκλήψῃ, κάλλιστα τῶν πάντων οἶμαι καὶ προσφυέστατα. Στύλους γὰρ ἑπτά, τὸν τῆς σοφίας ὑπερείδοντας οἶκον, καὶ θεμελίους ἀρραγεῖς πρός γε τῶν ἄλλων ἀκριβῶς ἴσμεν τὰς μεγάλας ἑπτὰ τοῦ πνεύματος ἐνεργείας, ἃς ὁ μὲν θαυμαστὸς Ζαχαρίας « ἑπτά φησιν ὀφθαλμοὺς τοῦ κυρίου, ἐπιβλέποντας ἐπὶ πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν ». Ἠσαΐας δ’ αὖθις ὁ μέγας πνεύματα ταύτας ἑπτὰ καλεῖ, τῷ ἐκ ῥίζης τοῦ Δαυὶδ ἀνατείλαντι ἄνθει, δηλαδὴ τῷ Χριστῷ, θεοπρεπῶς ἐπαναπεπαυμένα. « Ἐν αὐτῷ » γάρ, φησὶν ὁ θεῖος ἀπόστολος, « κατῴκησε πᾶν τὸ πλήρωμα τῆς θεότητος σωματικῶς ». Κἀκεῖθεν ὡς ἐξ ἀενάου πηγῆς εἰς εὐαγγελιστὰς καὶ ἀποστόλους διὰ ποικίλων σημείων τε καὶ θαυμάτων δαψιλῶς ἐκχυθέντα, κατὰ ἀπειρόδωρον, ὥς τίς φησι, χάριν, οἱονεί τινες ἑδραῖοι καὶ ἀπερίτρεπτοι στῦλοι τὴν καθόλου τῶν πιστῶν συνεκρότησάν τε καὶ ἥδρασαν ἐκκλησίαν. Prashkov, Khrel’ovata kula, p. 23, suggests that the spirits are “flying,” but it seems that they are reclined. For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV The Allegory of Wisdom in Chrelja ’ s Tower 29 [ἵνα ἡ ἐκκλησία οἰκοδομὴν λαμβάνῃ]” (I Corinthians 14:3–5) … This is how one should understand these things [2:5].27 Kokkinos here singles out prophecy as the foremost gift of the seven spirits. Classifying all of these gifts as, metaphorically, “house-building,” or “edification,” Kokkinos quotes apostle Paul who asserts that prophecy is the activity that “builds up” Wisdom’s house. Comforting one another, teaching, encouraging, forging unity—these are the mighty pillars of Wisdom’s house. Kokkinos’s interest in prophecy, and his metaphorical alignment of it with the building of Wisdom’s house, is understandable: for the allegory was based on a vision of Solomon, and authors commonly discussed Solomon’s prophecy by way of figurative language involving architecture. For example, writing about Solomon’s divine foresight, the 15th-century Bulgarian theologian Gregory Tsamblak said: “And this wise man (i.e., Solomon) reveals another prophetic image [of the Mother of God]: ‘Wisdom,’ he says, ‘hath built her house.’ But with what stones? With what wood? The cedars of Lebanon? With what builder’s craft? It is through none other than the purity of this young girl [that she builds].”28 In Gregory’s view, Solomon spoke of a house that the saints embody instead of a structure built with natural materials. Foremost among these saints, in his eyes, is the Mother of God—whose image notably hung over the altar in the apse of the chapel and whose body Gregory describes as the domicile of God. 5 The Figure of Wisdom The Rila monks and painter intended this allegory to inspire a love of wisdom, or philosophy. The builder-prophet Solomon signaled the way to a true understanding of God by pointing to the figure of Wisdom, the embodiment of 27 28 Pseftonkas, Κοκκίνου λόγοι, pp. 96–97: Καὶ πάλιν ὁ ἀπόστολος τοῖς προρρηθεῖσιν ἐπεξιὼν καὶ τὴν οἰκοδομὴν τῆς ἐκκλησίας καὶ τὴν ὕλην διδάσκων, « ὁ προφητεύων, φησίν, ἀνθρώποις λαλεῖ οἰκοδομὴν καὶ παράκλησιν καὶ παραμυθίαν. Ὁ λαλῶν γλώσσῃ ἑαυτὸν οἰκοδομεῖ, ὁ δὲ προφητεύων, ἐκκλησίαν οἰκοδομεῖ. Μείζων γάρ φησιν ὁ προφητεύων ἢ ὁ λαλῶν γλώσσῃ, ἐκτὸς εἰ μὴ διερμηνεύοι, ἵνα ἡ ἐκκλησία οἰκοδομὴν λαμβάνῃ » … Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν οὕτως. In the ellipsis Kokkinos cites two more instances of this pun from Paul’s letters: I Cor. 14:26; I Thess. 5:11. Gregory Tsamblak, Homily on the Birth of the Bogoroditsa, edited in Velikiia Minei Chetii, sobrannyia vserossiiskim mitropolitom Makariem. Sentiabr,’ dni 1–15 (St. Petersburg: Tipografiia Imperatorskoi akademii nauk, 1868), col. 413: Но и другий образъ пророчества премудрый сей являеть мужь: премудрость, глаголя, созда себѣ храмъ. Отъ которыхъ каменій? отъ которыхъ древъ, ливановехъ и кедровыхъ? которыми хитростьми зиздца? ни отъ которыхъ, развѣ отъ чистыа сея отроковица. For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 30 Willson knowledge (Figs. 1.4–1.6). The painter portrayed Wisdom’s hands extended out to the edge of the sphere encircling her. Once again, Kokkinos opens an avenue for interpreting the iconography. Speaking of Wisdom, Kokkinos says: If someone were to say that by the hypostatic wisdom of the Father, the only-begotten Son of the Father and God, the creator and lord of the visible and invisible world, is meant the one enacting the aforementioned divine drama [ἐνεργεῖν … τὰ θεῖα δράματα], building a house for himself, preparing a table and everything else stated before (for he is wisdom, the hypostatic power, and the Word of the Father [see I Corinthians 1:30; John 1:1]), we would not disagree. For, he enacts everything discussed just now, possessing the appointed wisdom, activity, and power together in common with the Father and Spirit, God equal in honor and substance, and with them in equal honor and in common distributing the godly gifts in proportion to their (i.e., the saints’) desiring. For he is “the choragos of wisdom and the director of the wise,” according to the wise man that we have just cited (Wisdom 7:15) [3:4].29 (author italics) Conflating Wisdom with the Son of God, Kokkinos says that she directs the heavenly drama. Kokkinos’s name for her—choragos—which he has taken from Solomon, bears several valences. Referring to the director of the chorus in classical theater, and to the “bestower” of the divine gifts in Komnenian debates over the Filioque, its reciprocal valence bridging earthly and heavenly realms bespeaks a sense of dwelling as philosophy.30 In the fresco, Wisdom sets the circular life cycle into motion insofar as she choreographs the movements of the heavenly spheres. In so doing, she directs the viewer’s eye to the spirits who come to rest upon the saints in a manifestation of the heavenly drama on earth, the liturgy. Her hands signal the point of contact between these two worlds, God’s relation to himself and intervention in the created 29 30 Pseftonkas, Κοκκίνου λόγοι, p. 131: Εἰ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐνυπόστατον τοῦ πατρὸς σοφίαν, τὸν μονογενῆ δηλαδὴ τοῦ πατρὸς υἱὸν καὶ θεόν, τὸν τῆς ὁρωμένης ἅμα καὶ ἀοράτου κτίσεως δημιουργόν τε καὶ κύριον εἴποι τις ἐνεργεῖν ἐκεῖνα τὰ θεῖα δράματα, οἶκον ἑαυτῷ οἰκοδομοῦντα καὶ τράπεζαν ἑτοιμάζοντα καὶ τἆλλα πάντα τὰ προειρημένα φημὶ (σοφία γὰρ καὶ δύναμις ἐνυπόστατος καὶ Λόγος ὁ αὐτός ἐστι τοῦ πατρός), οὐ διαφερόμεθα. Ἐνεργεῖ καὶ γὰρ πάντα τοῖς ἀποδοθεῖσι λόγοις κατὰ ταὐτὰ κοινὴν τὴν ῥηθεῖσαν σοφίαν καὶ τὴν ἐνέργειαν καὶ τὴν δύναμιν κεκτημένος μετὰ πατρός τε καὶ πνεύματος, οἷα δὴ καὶ θεὸς ὁμότιμός τε καὶ ὁμοούσιος, καὶ κοινῶς καὶ ὁμοτίμως ἐκείνοις τὰς θεοπρεπεῖς δωρεὰς διανέμων ἀναλόγως τοῖς χρῄζουσιν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ τῆς « σοφίας αὐτός ἐστι χορηγὸς καὶ διορθωτὴς τῶν σοφῶν », κατὰ τὸν εἰπόντα πρὸ βραχέος σοφόν. On the Komnenian discussions, see Alessandra Bucossi, “The Six Dialogues by Niketas ‘of Maroneia’: A Contextualizing Introduction,” in Dialogues and Debates from Late Antiquity to Late Byzantium, ed. Averil Cameron and Niels Gaul (New York: Routledge, 2017), pp. 137–52, esp. 147. For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV The Allegory of Wisdom in Chrelja ’ s Tower 31 universe, even as the hand of the prophet Solomon signals the seam between history and the present. Wisdom’s house, built through philosophy, returned thought to the everyday tools that habilitate theological knowledge. The Rila painter acknowledges this aspect of the allegory. He portrays the two angels serving the saints from shallow vessels—bespeaking the finitude of human reason—rather than from the deep krater of wine standing on the altar—bespeaking unmediated contemplation of God. Kokkinos explains this feature of Solomon’s allegory: What do the words that Wisdom speaks to those who are poor in reason mean: “Drink the wine that I have mixed for you?” (Proverbs 9:5). She says, “My wine, as well as my bread, I have set before you as food. But for you partaking of it I have mixed this. Because all of my things are pure, and the divine mysteries are free from mixture with any human and earthly word and deed [ἀμιγῆ τὰ θεῖα μυστήρια παντὸς ἀνθρωπίνου καὶ γεώδους καὶ λόγου καὶ πράγματος]. For, searching out all things, just as you have heard, even the deep things of God (see I Corinthians 2:10), I have also now descended into human frailty, and I am mixing the wine with water for you in order that it might delight your heart and not shake your enfeebled mind, having filled it with a swell and swooning through an onslaught of power (see Psalms 103:15).” For this reason, when Moses told God that he wished “to see him clearly,” God replied: “I will put you in a cleft of the rock while my glory passes by, and I will cover you with my hand. Then I will take away my hand, and you shall see my backside, but my face you shall not see. For no man can see my face and live” (Exodus 33:13, 22–23, 20) … Here, Wisdom, as it were, has mixed and diluted the krater of transcendental contemplation with these human-loving things, along with the words and deeds of an angel [2:16].31 31 Pseftonkas, Κοκκίνου λόγοι, pp. 108–9: Τί δὲ καὶ τὸ « πίετε οἶνον, ὃν κεκέρακα ὑμῖν » πρὸς ἐκείνους τοὺς ἐνδεεῖς φρενῶν ὁμοίως λεγόμενον ὑπ’ ἐκείνης; Ἐμὸς μέν φησιν ὁ οἶνος, ὥσπερ δὴ καὶ ὁ ἄρτος, ὃν ὑμῖν εἰς βρῶσιν προτέθεικα· ἀλλὰ τοῖς δαιτυμόσιν ὑμῖν τοῦτον κεκέρακα. Ἐμοὶ μὲν γὰρ ἄκρατα πάντα καὶ ἀμιγῆ τὰ θεῖα μυστήρια παντὸς ἀνθρωπίνου καὶ γεώδους καὶ λόγου καὶ πράγματος. Ἐρευνῶν γάρ, καθάπερ ἠκούσατε, πάντα, καὶ τὰ βάθη τοῦ θεοῦ, τῇ δ’ ἀνθρωπίνῃ συγκατιοῦσα καὶ νῦν ἀσθενείᾳ, καὶ ὕδατι κιρνῶ τὸν οἶνον ὑμῖν, ἵν’ εὐφράνῃ καρδίαν, μὴ τὸν ἐγκέφαλον ἀσθενοῦντα διασείσῃ, σάλου τινὸς καὶ ἰλίγγου πληρώσας τῷ τῆς δυνάμεως περιόντι, οὕτω πρὸς τὸν Μωϋσῆν ἔλεγεν ὁ θεός, ἐπιζητοῦντα « γνωστῶς ἐκεῖνον ἰδεῖν », ὅτι « θήσω σὲ εἰς ὀπὴν τῆς πέτρας, ἡνίκα δ’ ἂν παρέλθῃ ἡ δόξα μου, καὶ σκεπάσω σὲ τῇ χειρί μου· καὶ ἀφελῶ τὴν χεῖρά μου καὶ ὄψει τὰ ὀπίσω μου, τὸ δὲ πρόσωπόν μου οὐκ ὀφθήσεταί σοι. Οὐ γὰρ μὴ ἴδῃ ἄνθρωπος τὸ πρόσωπόν μου καὶ ζήσεται » … Ὡσανεὶ τὸν κρατῆρα τῶν ὑπερφυῶν θεωρημάτων τῆς σοφίας ἐνταῦθα κιρνώσης τε καὶ ἀναμιγνύσης τοῖς φιλανθρώποις τουτοισὶ καὶ πράγμασι καὶ ῥήμασι τοῦ ἀγγέλου. For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV 32 Willson In these sentences Kokkinos indicates that even the prophets were unable to pierce the veil separating mortals from divinity. And so the cup of wisdom must be diluted, which is to say, the wine must be served mixed with water. Kokkinos understands this water to be “human” and “earthly” words and deeds: the lover of wisdom will aspire to emulate the prophets who brought the divinity into the mediacy of experience through language and demonstration. In a similar way, the painter focuses on the tactile instruments of understanding, the shallow vessels served to the saints. In this way, the fresco draws the monks’ attention to the limits of sensory experience even as it exalts the sapiential tradition. These handmade vessels are the artifacts of a constructivist epistemology. They are the humble containers of everyday life: the objects in which a philosophical mind discovers humanity, the ritual equipment over which community gathers. This shared understanding of the allegory demonstrates that the Rila painter and Kokkinos indeed inhabited a commons, one that subtended geographical, social, and linguistic locales. On the same count, the allegory invites a methodological reflection horizontally, deep into the Balkans, beyond the closed horizon of the Byzantine capital during the Palaiologan centuries. In turn, the fresco itself, opening into the inhabited space of the chapel, offers a plea for beginning scholarly conversations afresh about the antecedent whole of verbal, visual, and architectural testimonies, which too often are studied as discrete media. In the case of the commons, the lesson is less about patterns of influence, modes of exchange, and copying, and more about the conditions for understanding ideas shared by all. In this light, it would be worthwhile, before investigating the creation and transference of ideas and objects, to consider narratives concerned with the concretization of community—the discourses in which ideas and objects were understood and came to bear value—narratives such as the Allegory of Wisdom. When it comes to such a fundamental concern as dwelling, it is not surprising to find common ground, because without this, few meaningful exchanges of any sort could have occurred. Acknowledgements I am grateful to Maria Alessia Rossi and Alice Isabella Sullivan for inviting me to participate in the panels “North of Byzantium: Medieval Art, Architecture, and Visual Culture in Eastern Europe” at the 2018 Byzantine Studies Conference in San Antonio. The panels were generously sponsored by the Mary Jaharis Center for Byzantine Art and Culture at Hellenic College Holy Cross. Beatrice Kitzinger, Charles Barber, and the audience in San Antonio discussed various For use by the Author only | © 2020 Koninklijke Brill NV The Allegory of Wisdom in Chrelja ’ s Tower 33 aspects of the project with me. Rossi and Sullivan, the anonymous reviewer, and Joe Hannan provided helpful feedback on drafts of this paper. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own. Bibliography Primary Sources Christ, W. and M. Paranikas. Anthologia Graeca Carminum Christianorum. Leipzig: B.G. Teubner, 1871. Hippolytus of Rome. Fragmenta in Proverbia, in M. Richard, “Les fragments du commentaire de S. Hippolyte sur les Proverbes de Salomon.” Muséon 79 (1966): 82–94. Kokkinos, Philotheos. Three Discourses on Divine Wisdom, in Φιλοθέου Κοκκίνου λόγοι καὶ ὁμιλίαι, ed. B.S. Pseftonkas, Thessalonian Byzantine Writers 2. Thessalonica: Centre for Byzantine Research, 1981. Tsamblak, Gregory. 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